When prominent Bahraini opposition leader
Ibrahim Sharif was released from prison last month after serving four years and
three months of a five year sentence, supporters of the Bahraini government
presented it as evidence of the country’s continued appetite for reform. The
Obama administration even justified its decision to restore military aid to
Bahrain on the grounds that unnamed political prisoners - presumably including
Sharif - had been released from prison and “meaningful progress on human rights
reform” was being made (a statement which echoes British Foreign Secretary
Philip Hammond’s declaration earlier this year that Bahrain was “making significant
reform”).
Six weeks later, however, and Sharif is back in prison, facing
charges of inciting hatred against the regime. His arrest is believed to be
linked to a speech he made at a memorial service for a 16-year-old boy who was
killed by police in 2012, during which he called for reform and reconciliation
and described violence as a tactic of the government, rather than the political
opposition. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as
Bahraini human rights organisations, have since called for Sharif’s
unconditional and immediate release.
Sharif’s re-arrest is significant not just because it
contradicts the Bahraini government’s narrative of reform, but also because it
demonstrates the fallacy of another argument which the monarchy and its
supporters have been keen to make: that Bahrain’s political crisis is driven by
a sectarian protest movement comprised exclusively of the country’s
marginalised Shia majority. Sharif, however, is a secular Sunni Muslim who
espouses sectarian unity and non-violence and enjoys the respect of both Shia
and Sunni opposition activists in Bahrain. It is perhaps for this reason that
the government considers him such a threat.
As one of thirteen prominent opposition leaders who were
imprisoned in 2011 for their role in Bahrain’s pro-democracy movement, Sharif
was held in solitary confinement for 56 days and subjected to torture,
including sexual abused, beating and deprivation of sleep. With Sharif back in
detention, the rest of the Bahrain Thirteen still behind bars and the
General-Secretary of the country’s largest opposition bloc al-Wefaq Sheikh Ali
Salman recently sentenced to four years in prison for inciting “hatred” and
“disobedience” against the regime, the entire leadership of Bahrain’s political
opposition is now in jail.
Other prominent figures have also faced reprisals from the
government in recent weeks, including Al-Wefaq board member Majeed Milad who
was detained in early July in relation to his participation in a political
seminar. Another opposition leader, Fadhel Abbas, who heads the Al-Wahdawi
political society, was sentenced to five years in prison on June 28 for
criticising the Saudi-led bombing of Yemen. The imprisoned Al-Wefaq leader’s
deputy Khalil Al-Marzouq was also summoned by the Ministry of Interior on June
30 for questioning about a speech he gave.
The United States responded to the wave of arrests by issuing a
statement of concern and calling for the government of Bahrain to “protect the
universal rights of free expression and assembly.” The United Kingdom, however,
has remained silent. Its recent statements on Bahrain have failed to call for
the release of political prisoners and even criticised Al-Wefaq for boycotting
parliamentary elections last November which it bizarrely deemed “transparent.”
As the crackdown on the political opposition continues to intensify, Britain’s
behaviour will provide little incentive for the government of Bahrain to
reverse course and engage in meaningful reform and dialogue. On the contrary,
it may embolden the regime and encourage more repression.
No comments:
Post a Comment